In The Wages of History Amy Tyson
sheds light on the misunderstood world of living history museum workers, and
connects their emotional labor to growing, often disturbing trends in the
non-profit realm. Having worked at a non-profit, I connected with many of
Tyson’s observations. Though I genuinely respect Tyson’s motivations and many
of her conclusions, certain aspects of the book detracted from Tyson’s more
meaningful treatment of labor. I have pointed out three specific grievances
that I feel should have been addressed in order to provide constructive
criticism of The Wages of History.
1. Who is the audience? This
book is aimed at academics, public historians, and museum professionals, the
overwhelming majority of whom are intimately familiar with working for
non-profits (and by extension the troubles that go along with it). While Tyson
described the specific troubling aspects of being a living history worker, her
complaints extend to most jobs in the public or private sectors. As such, the
book could have benefited from a more constructive analysis of the workplace:
one that criticizes but also aims to resolve the problems.
2. Who gets a name? This is
a book about the frontline workers, but not only is there no personalization of
management, only certain perspectives are personalized among the interpreters
at Fort Snelling. One survey respondent reasonably noted that many employees
used the seasonal nature of the job to supplement other incomes and did not
want permanent status. Tyson’s retort was that the response “conforms to the
tenets of neoliberalism,” instead of having an honest dialogue with the
respondent’s ideas. Tyson herself used her position to supplement her income
and research while in graduate school. Cathy Stanton’s The Lowell Experiment comes across similar issues when the author
is troubled by her reliance on the capitalistic system that she is trying to
criticize. The Wages of History could
have benefited from some honest self-reflection about why certain perspectives
should be dismissed before going ahead and dismissing them.
3. What should interpreters
do? Tyson spends the most time on gender, class and race issues between interpreters
and the content they must present to the public. The Native American history of
the site is not give nearly as much space as race or gender, though, I would
argue, for this particular site it is far more important. Much of the book felt
as if Tyson were projecting her own interests rather than working at a specific
historical site. Fort Snelling was and is still largely a military site and yet
there is surprisingly little in the book about the interpreters’ relationship
with the military. Researching between 2001 and 2006, if Amy Tyson wanted
interpreters at Fort Snelling to be critical and interpretive, how could she
not address the question of playing soldier when the real US military is
actively engaged in warfare in Iraq and Afghanistan?
Earlier in the semester the Historical Methods course assigned
Trouillot’s Silencing the Past. While
I believe Tyson’s objectives were noble, I also believe that she
unintentionally silences people and ideas in order to come to those conclusions.
Reading:
Tyson, Amy
M. The Wages of History: Emotional Labor on Public History’s Front Lines.
Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2013.
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