Michael Frisch in the introduction to his collection A Shared Authority tackles questions of authorship and the divide
between both traditional historians and public historians as well as between
public communities and historians. Public history shines through as a way to
“redefine and redistribute intellectual authority.” (xx) Intellectual authority
is a central issue in both oral history and community history projects.
The Oral History Manual
provides a straightforward instructional guide for students and professionals
about to embark on an oral history project. The authors are clear about
everything with the exception of the origins of oral history, at which the
writing’s tone becomes defensive. They dismiss the Federal Writers Project and
resulting slave narratives, instead focusing on the more journalistic post-WWII
soldier interviews as a precursor to oral history as an established research
methodology. Though limited by the technologies and social structures of the
time, the goal of the slave narratives is in line with that of oral history, as
defined by the authors. It is as if admitting that oral history has roots in
the traditions of folklorists would somehow discredit the methodology today.
“When
Community Comes Home to Roost” by Leon Fink, is a troublesome piece from
beginning to end. It tells of a northern historian’s failed collaboration with
the Cooleemee Historical Association (CHA) in North Carolina. The CHA, led by
Jim and Lynn Rumley, clearly cares more about preserving a fabricated, romanticized
version of the town’s heritage rather than thought provoking historical work.
What is worse is that the organization becomes involved in politics with a
blatant conservative bias. Worst is the fact Mr. Fink only became disenchanted
with the project when the people he thought were left-leaning activists turn
out to be conservative. His aversion is not to self-interested activists, but
to activists with whom he disagrees.
Fink would best do to take the advice of Michael Frisch. Frisch claims, “It
is history, not memory, that can provide the basis for shared reimagination of
how the past connects to the present.” (xxiii) The shared part is integral: Fink makes no effort to understand the
culture of the white southerners he is dealing with. Fink correlates Civil War
reenactments with “sentimentalizing a Jim-Crow ordered social world,” (125) and
never goes beyond his initial reaction to understand the meaning of
reenactments to the community. In a racially volatile environment the CHA is
not doing the community any favors. Neither is Fink.
The conclusion of this article says all the right things. Historians need
to be aware of what happens outside of the academe and how academic work can be
construed. Likewise, communities need to be aware of the way constructing a
positive sense of heritage can manipulate the past. Unfortunately, the
self-reflection Fink talks about never extends to his own actions and biases.
Readings:
Fink, Leon. “When Community Comes Home to Roost: The
Southern Milltown as Lost Cause.” Journal
of Social History Vol. 40, No. 1 (Autumn 2006), 119-145.
Frisch, Michael. “Introduction.” A Shared Authority. SUNY
Press, 1990.
Sommer, Barbara W. & Mary Kay Quinlan. The Oral History
Manual. 2nd ed. Lanham: AltaMira Press, 2009.
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